Morning rituals exist across all cultures. There is of course variance within the culture, i.e. the teenager who manages to sleep past noon, but for the most part the rituals within a given community are similar. In The States we set alarms, hit the snooze button a few times, and then drag ourselves out of bed for our rite of food, coffee, and a shower. Getting out of bed is done with great reluctance and weekends are always the subject of early morning desire. Americans value our sleep because we work long days and often do not get the required 8 hours of sleep every night (of which technology is partially to blame). There is the rare early bird - but they are aware of how sleep is valued amongst their peers - they try to not wake the rest of the house... they shower, eat their bowl of Cheerios, fill a coffee mug for the road, and drive off to whatever desk job or assembly line they belong to. A few people have the motivation to even wake up early and go to the gym (something I have yet to achieve steadily), others have children which require longer mornings - but for the most part sleeping past 9am is a desire for many. This is the morning as I have always known it - felt with reluctance and quite transitioning into functionality. Malawi has a different sort of concept of mornings, the kind of perspective that could drive an outsider crazy (and if you can't tell... currently is). First off, Malawians do not appear to value sleep in any way, nor do they understand the concept of quiet morning rituals. Here, the people sleep and wake with the sun. Once the first sliver of light comes over the mountains, they wake up naturally and begin cleaning, collecting water, and tending to the animals. But, before anything else the floors must be moped and the front yard swept in illogical concentric circles so no blade of grass dare appear. This is amplified in the village - Women yell across compound walls to greet good morning, children run around doing chores and the vegetables sales-women start yelling for customers - ' Mapuno... Mapuno... Mapuno' (Tomato). Also waking with the sun is every animal in the country - song birds (some which ironically sounds like alarms - only with no snooze button), roosters, dogs, bees, guinea fowl, goats .... Everyone is let out of the nighttime kraal/kennel and set free to wake world. This is, once again, amplified in the village as there are simply more barnyard animals and less compound walls to keep them from gathering into one chorus. Then, once the yard is swept and water collected for the day's rations it's time to get ready for the day. In Usisya this means children going to the lake to splash their faces and brush their teeth, women go to the lake to wash the pots which remain from the previous night's dinner, and cattle gather for a morning drink (the sanitation of this ritual will be the subject of a later post). In town - at 6 the watchmen begin their journeys home, then at 7 gardeners arrive for the day shift, and at 8 the bwana's (bosses) head off to work. There is no coffee or proper breakfast - so I am not sure what happens between the 4:30 am yard sweeping and the 8 am departure - but somewhere in that there work shifts change and people head off to work/school or back home after a late night patrolling compounds. This local concept of - get up and go - has been one of the more challenging cultural practices to adjust to. Maybe it is difficult becuase it happens early in the morning - when my mind can quite the groggy anger or maybe it is because in my culture waking people is considered rude and inconsiderate. Being an anthropologist I often find myself saying 'it's a cultural difference, don't get mad over cultural differences.' However, the anthropologist in me doesn't turn on till after 8am, and when the guard knocks on my window at 6am to tell me something inconsequential - it takes every ounce of me to greet a happy good morning to them 'Nawuka makora iyayi' ( I did not wake well).
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George and I met with the World Food Programme (WFP) in August 2016 and learned that Nkhata Bay District is considered food secure for the coming 2016-2017 hungry season. This means that no food aid will be provided to the villages in which we work. Temwa is a Non-Governmental Organization (NGO) focused on creating sustainable community development throughout Nkhata Bay North (NBN (TAs: Mbwana, Boghoyo, Mkondowe and Mnyaluanga). Temwa’s programming includes education, health, micro finance, and agriculture/forestry; but it is not a relief organization. However, the 2015- 2016 hunger crisis caused massive disturbances in programming and forced the organization to shift funding into emergency relief initiatives (which is not within the organisation's mission). Knowing that Temwa cannot continue to stray from its mission nor does it have the financial capacity to supply food aid in the coming year – we are working to assure that any organization with the capability to supply emergency relief has all the necessary data needed to do so. Thus, in an effort to investigate NBN's food security, we conducted a catchment wide assessment in the month of September. All staff and community partners donated their time collecting data to show that the area is currently struggling with food access and will continue to suffer in the coming months. The compiled data, presented here, is to be shared with the District Agriculture Development Office (DADO), Malawi Vulnerability Assessment Committee (MVAC), WFP, and any other organization interested in learning about the region’s food security. NBN is a remote area with 145 villages stretched along the lakeshore and situated upland along the mountain range. The region is extremely isolated, observable in the map here, due to having no paved roads and limited public transportation options. Some of the main problems facing communities which Temwa has observed are: (1) Chronic shortage of food, often with periods of starvation (2) The highest HIV and AIDS prevalence rate in Malawi (roughly 11%) (3) Low education attainment rates (3) Deforestation, which causes flooding and displacement (4) Only one rural regional hospital which lacks fundamental equipment, staff and medicine (5) Poor infrastructure, people walk or travel by boat (6) Minimal opportunities for employment. Due to having limited time and resources, we adapted MVAC’s and WFP’s Household Economic Approach (HEA) into an expedited assessment highlighting key areas likely to determine if the is food insecure. For the purpose of distinguishing true food security variances; we split NBN into two livelihood zones- Upland: Njiri, Chikwina, Bula, Mzghola, Biya, Chipunga, Usingini, Kapimatete; and Lakeshore: Nthembo, Chikale, Mtawa, Mpande, New Salawe, Kondowe, Ruarwe, Nkhutu. In each of the villages, staff conducted 1 focus group, 1 seasonal calendar, and 6-7 household surveys. In total, staff collected 12 Focus Groups, 12 Seasonal Calendars, and 88 Households surveys. Lakeshore Summary “Selling their livestock and household assets in order to earn money to buy food and other wants and needs- People shall also stop paying school fees as the money shall be spent on food only.” – Nthembo Villaga, Nkhata Bay North The lakeshore of NBN is a hard to reach rural area with sandy soils and low agricultural yields. Seasonal calendars from the area show people planting limited crops (maize, cassava, groundnuts, and pumpkins) which are purely rain fed (with no wetland production) and within the same season – December to February. The majority of expenditures (school fees, medical costs, crop inputs cultural dances, holidays) as well as low food stores also fall within the December – February time frame (with some villages expanded the categories from September to March). People work heavily from December to March planting and harvesting staple food items, and are often able to eat green from March – July. Villagers report that there is low water availability from September to November and that the hungry season will begin in early November and run into late March. Throughout the region, access and supply of food, ability to purchase food due to cost, and weak local farming production appear to be three of the largest barriers to food security. Beginning with local food production, when asked what is planted locally- village leaders reported mostly maize and cassava, with only a few areas expanding to groundnuts, rice, and greens. In fact, household (HH) surveys reported that on average, 29% of the food consumption is grown/fished locally compared to 33% purchased and 23% gifted. Looking at the HH level food consumption, people ate fruit on average of less than once per week (.6 times per week), eggs less than once a week (.1 time per week), and meat products almost never (.002 times per week). This shows a diet mostly of nsima (maize and cassava are consumed 6.81 times per week) and locally found greens (5.7 times per week) taken on average of once daily. Amongst the low income wealth class, 38% reported not eating maize at all, while 24% reported for the same for cassava. The lakeshore’s one natural resource, fish, also does not appear to be consistently consumed. Seasonal calendars show windy and cold months which yield less fish. One focus group participant said, ‘In some cold months like this May, June, July, we buy usipa (15 at 1000MK) – it becomes expensive because in this time water becomes cold, hence low usipa and fish at high prices.’ HH surveys show people eating once per day on average during months when fishing is active, but that a majority of local families still have to buy it. In the low income wealth class only 23% of participants reported catching their own fish. Additionally, 55 % of the households surveyed were female headed, and with cultural practices only allowing men to be fishermen- all of these families have to purchase or be gifted locally caught fish. Looking further into food access- one village leader, noted that, ‘If you want to find and buy maize this time you need to do to Nyika or you go to Mzuzu, Bigha, - here we don’t have a place to buy maize’. The lakeshore area of NBN has no central market, only people sporadically going door to door with their small food surpluses. Some shop owners bring in dry goods, but prices are almost doubled to accommodate for the transport costs of getting it there. Local leaders noted that sugar can be found at 1.39 USD per bag, maize is up to 7 USD, and 3 tomatoes are .28 USD. The two ways in and out of the lakeshore villages are by boat once a week (costing 12.50 USD round trip) or road (costing 5.56 USD roundtrip). According to discussions within the village, most people choose to use the road due to cost. However, seasonal calendars show the rainy season happening from November to April making the road dangerous and often impassable. This demonstrates that there is very little food coming into the village particularly during the same months which are marked as the hungry season (November to March). Focus group discussions also noted that the ADMARC stores are low and inconsistent supplies during these times due to the same transport challenges. Some food does make it into the area (through local transport and entrepreneurship) allowing for 36 % of all food consumed locally to be purchased. Across all wealth classes’ people are spending a majority of their money on maize, cassava, and transport. This shows that the people are spending their incomes on purchasing staple food products and getting themselves to trading centres outside of the village. Of those who purchased staples in the last month, HH heads in the low income category reported spending 73% of their income on maize, middle income HH heads spent 43% and high income heads spent 39%. Cassava purchases equalled 29% (low), 20% ( middle) and 9% (high) of the incomes of those who bought this staple. Next, the average income per household and how that income is obtained. The low income HHs make an average of 12 USD per month or 0.40 USD per day with a majority coming from agriculture, fishing, hand crafts, and local labor. Middle income HHs make an average of 40 USD per month or 1.32 USD per day, mostly through fishing, salary, self employment, and selling goods. High income households (mostly comprised of civil servants) make an average of 87.56 USD per month or 2.91 USD per day through salary, self employment, trading, and local labor. “Agricultural inputs are very expensive, hence low yields each year which leads to low income as well.” – Kaprimtende Notably, found across several seasonal calendars is the marking of outmigration. Local leaders said that they rely on their children leaving the village to not only find food for themselves, but to also make money to send back to those who remain in the village. Backing the point, 26% of lakeshore food comes from gifts. For those without the ability to send family members to more productive areas, they reportedly cope through the sale of household assets and livestock. In fact, in all lakeshore focus group discussions people mentioned the selling of assets, often at low costs, as a way local people will feed their families this coming hungry season. However, HH surveys show assets as very low. Households averaged 7.5 people – yet they only have 1 bed frame, 1 table, and approximately 2 chairs. Additionally, people had an average of 2.5 acres, but only 2 garden tools to cultivate. Looking at this information, if outmigration and selling assets are the main coping mechanism for lakeshore families during the crisis, then their chances appear to remain low to have food access. When asked how they think this coming hungry season will differ from the previous year, local leaders were very concerned. One participant said, ‘There will be a high rate of famine compared to last December as many people have harvested all that they had in their gardens.’ The following consequences of the coming famine were noted by local leaders: school drop outs, malnutrition, selling of assets, out-migration, theft, prostitution, weakened labor force, breakdown of family structures, disease, and death. In summation, the lakeshore livelihood zone of NBN, according to the data presented here- currently spend the majority of their income on staples, HHs do not produce enough of their food, have no access to markets, nor do they have enough money to provide food for themselves to fulfil their caloric needs. Reportedly, in past years, the people of the area have managed to scrap by with their limited resources without food assistance from WFP, but with climate change and rainfall patterns shifting – this 2016-2017 hungry season will be devastating to the region. Upland Summary “This year most people did not harvest much because of the bad weather... the availability of food is expected to be very low and the price of food is expected to go up. Thus, the people will suffer from hunger crisis.” – Bula Village/Nkhata Bay The upland livelihood zone of NBN has a majority clay-based soil and higher accessibility to roads than the lakeshore, but still struggles with rurality and poverty. Some people within the region have the ability to create irrigation schemes and produce crops throughout the year (as seen through the seasonal calendars); however, it appears that these individuals are in the minority. According to local leaders, people are already coping with low food access. One leader in Kapirimtende is quoted in saying, “when the supply is low the price is likely to increase at any time. People are already exchanging livestock for maize and cassava. Now- 1 chicken is exchange for 1 bag of cassava.” The barriers to food security in the upland region of NBN are food consistency, poverty, and market access. First, through seasonal calendars, it can be seen that the amount of time in which people are eating a diversity of food is very low. People within the area are planting a diversity of food (maize, cassava, beans, potatoes, etc) however the time in which they are consuming these foods are very brief and inconsistent. Seasonal calendars show that the only fruit people eat are mangos (October – early December), green vegetables are taken for three months (June-August), and beans appear to be the only consistent protein found locally- available beginning in late Februrary. Food consumption calendars from the villages also demonstrate a bell-curve of food access where it is highest in the winter months but very low from September to late-February (Appendix – Njiri Village). Still, further, according to household surveys, the average HH size is 6.7, consuming 36.48% of total caloric intake through one’s own production, compared to 48.75% being procured through wages. This can be broken into two factors- not everyone in the upland is large-scale farmers, and the crops from the 2016 planting season did not produce well. Because of this, 71% of surveyed HHs reported purchasing maize in the last month, and low income HHs spending 53% of their income on maize. Middle and high income HHs who purchased maize spent 52% and 34% of their incomes respectively. According to one local leader, “This year most people didn’t harvest much because of the bad weather conditions as such they will not have enough food to take them to a longer period.” Considering wealth class expenditures, HHs in the upland zone are spending a majority of their money on maize and transport. A main challenge in upland villages of NBN is market access. When looking at seasonal calendars from the area, people marked ‘food waste’ happening from the time of harvest (June) to the first rains (November). In order for food from the remote villages of NBN to reach market in Mzuzu for sale, it can cost farmers the following for just one trip: 2,400 MK from Chikwina, 3,500 MK from Kasasile, and 2,400 MK from Manyenyenzi. Additionally, for a village such as Kasasile, there is no local transport which means that farmers must hire private motorbikes or bike taxis which also adds large amounts of time to their daily schedules. Local seasonal calendars show that middle income farmers are spending a majority of their year preparing for planting, making beds, weeding, irrigating, and harvesting- this means that going to distant markets (upwards of 45 KM) takes away from much needed time in the fields. "People will adapt to the hunger crisis by... eating foods which are not normal, doing piece work, and other have already started moving to other places such as South Africa to secure jobs. –Njiri Village Still further, as is seen in the lakeshore zone, many people migrate out of the area during the hungry season in search of piece work and food. Calendars show people migrating out after harvests in July/August and only returning to help families plant in December. Local leaders report that there is simply no other option, and the outmigration (mostly of youth) allows for money to be sent back to those remaining in the village. Looking at other coping mechanisms, in Chipunga village local leaders noted that people will get food through selling assets, selling livestock, and making more charcoal for sell. Trees are a massive local asset; however, these are also in danger of being cut down for charcoal and timber sales if people are desperate for food. According to local leaders, the area is already full of bags of charcoal waiting along the roadsides, and more trees are being cut daily in desperation. This will only add to the local challenges surround climate change as deforestation causes countless future disturbances to the local agricultural community. Layered with the challenges of poverty, the upland region of NBN is very high in elevation – causing cold winter months. Local leaders cited pneumonia happening in the middle maize harvests. In fact, compared to the lakeshore calendars – upland leaders mentioned a wider variety of diseases (Pneumonia, dysentery, typhoid, cholera, malaria, cough,etc) which occur more sporadically and at greater frequency throughout the year. This layers into the challenge of foods security as a cyclical problem of poor health, under nourishment, and large quantities of labor time being lost. In New Salawe a leader is quoted as saying, “Hunger amongst the communities will reduce and weaken labor forces.” In summation, a portion of the upland livelihood zone HHs do demonstrate more of the food security which WFP and MVAC reported seeing in their initial trip to the area last April than that of the lakeshore. However, looking extensively at a larger picture of the area – the data shows that the region is not full of successful large-scale farmers, but rather struggling subsistence families. Again, like the lakeshore, with normal weather conditions the people of the area find ways to adapt and make ends meet. This year however, with the climate challenges, late rains, and extensive flooding – the people of the upland in NBN have not fared well. Thus, it can be seen through the data presented here that people are struggling in the upland livelihood zone and will only continue to endure more in the coming months. Summary As the food crisis looms, it is clear to see that it has already started in the remote areas of NBN and according to those living there, it will only get worse. Based on the observations and occurrences described in both the upland and lakeshore livelihood zones, trends show poor agricultural yields, disproportionally high costs and poor supply of staple foods compared to average incomes, a high percentage of food consumption being supplied through gifts (26% of total lakeshore consumption), less than optimal caloric and nutritional intake, predictions of increased food shortage, starvation and unnecessary death along with negative coping mechanisms such as not sending children to school or attempting to move abroad. More telling is the percentage of people currently purchasing maize and the amount of one’s income that is being expended. Of those surveyed in the upland region, 71% reported purchasing maize and those purchases amounted to an average of 47% of their income. This is despite farming being the most prevalent means of earning an income. The same occurrence came be seen in the lakeshore zone, as 73% surveyed indicated having to purchase maize, accounting for an average of 43% of one’s income. More alarming is that fact that the average lakeshore HHs is spending more on maize that upland HHs (avg,11,208 MK vs. 15,321 MK) but eating half as often (.93 per day compared to 1.75 per day). In low income lakeshore HHs, people reported eating maize every other day, while taking up 79% of purchaser’s income. A significant portion (38%) of low income HHs reported not eating maize at all. To cope with the shortage of maize, It was the original impression of the principal investigators that lakeshore HHs would consume cassava at higher rates, but this not the We believe that both the upland and lakeshore should be separately reassessed to determine the food security threshold of the respective areas. Although their livelihood outcomes are intertwined due to geography, the two prescribed livelihood zones have their own specific challenges and current disproportionate levels of food insecurity. |
Bonnie HarveyCurrently working in northern Malawi as Programs and Evaluations Coordinator for Temwa Archives
June 2019
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